Imran Khan was regarded for many years by Pakistan's military establishment as the nation's savior. But according to novelist and journalist Mohammed Hanif, after just a year in exile, he already threatens to turn into their arch-enemy, and the military is employing all of its resources to protect itself from Khan's anger.
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Pakistan appears to have reached a halt as Imran Khan and his party deal with a widespread crackdown.
Even though the country is dealing with devastating inflation, the hottest summer on record, and frequent power outages, everyone is preoccupied with what Khan will do next and what our military establishment can do to restrain him.
His fans said that Khan was their "red line" after he was overthrown more than a year ago and that if he was detained, the nation would burn. On May 9, a group of paramilitary soldiers finally succeeded where others had failed.
Although the nation didn't completely burn, Khan's supporters attacked military garrisons.
General Headquarters (GHQ), the army's command center and likely the safest location in Pakistan, was invaded, and signs with military insignia were destroyed.
The ransacking of a senior general's home in Lahore was documented on film by Khan's fans as they set fire to his possessions, including cars and furniture. A protester made off with the general's uniform, while another stole his pet peacock.
Although it appeared to be a revolution, it wasn't. The army once liked Imran Khan, later spurned him, and now his followers are making amends. It was more of a lovers' quarrel than a revolution.
Every prime minister eventually has a disagreement with the Pakistani army; it's essentially a rite of passage.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the nation's first elected prime leader, was hanged; his daughter Benazir Bhutto was twice removed from her position as prime minister; and the suicide bombing murder of the latter by a teen bomber was never thoroughly probed. Nawaz Sharif was fired, imprisoned, and banished before returning to exile where he now rules by proxy through his younger brother Shehbaz but is unable to leave the country.
Following Imran Khan's incarceration, his supporters took action that had never before been taken by a major political party. They entered the cantonment areas and showed the populace how Pakistani generals live: in enormous villas with swimming pools and acres of lawns where peacocks roam. Instead of turning to the streets in protest.
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Just before being taken away, Khan singled out General Asim Munir, the chief of staff of the Pakistani Army, as the person attempting to suffocate his political party.
He previously referred to General Bajwa, the former head of the army who helped put him in office and kept him there, as a traitor. In addition, he blamed an ISI general for an attempted assassination of him. In public rallies, he and his followers frequently referred to the accused general as "Dirty Harry."
However, Pakistanis are not used to seeing photos of a Corps Commander's house on fire, female demonstrators rattling the gates of GHQ or monuments of decorated soldiers being destroyed. Many Pakistani politicians have previously branded and shamed the army as an institution.
The current administration, which is a coalition of practically all the major parties hostile to Khan, required this to retaliate precisely.
The government has been attempting to avoid the next national election, which many surveys indicate Khan will certainly win. His party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), whose name translates to Movement for Justice, is currently being called for an outright ban by a number of government MPs.
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Politicians who have faced out against the army have always faced rapid retaliation.
An elected assembly member named Ali Wazir who exposed the army's ties to the Taliban spent two years in prison and wasn't even permitted to attend the National Assembly. No Pakistani court or major political party is concerned about the forced disappearance of thousands of political workers from Balochistan.
Why then is Imran Khan still at large despite being accused of numerous offenses?
It appears that he has polarised the establishment as a whole. Within the army, there are officers and their families who are infatuated with him. His bail has been extended by the legal system. Pakistan's top judge invited him to court, saying "Happy to see you," and placed him in a state guest home after he had spent one day in a cell. The following day, a different judge freed him.
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In Pakistan, Imran Khan has won over a sizable constituency that previously detested politics and politicians. Although Khan's rhetoric of fairness and good government is appealing to the general public, throughout his time in office, corruption actually worsened and many of his political rivals were imprisoned.
However, his dismissal from office has given his fans, many of whom are young women and individuals without political experience who have never voted before, more confidence.
They are frequently charged with political naivete for asserting that the current issue has never occurred in Pakistani history and for taking an ahistorical view of it. They see themselves as members of a reforming movement that seeks to purge the government of all dishonest officials.
They formerly shared Khan's love of the army. They now blame the military for everything.
Despite Khan's constant criticisms of the army's leadership, many people think that he only wants the generals to continue to adore and support him and his party as they did in the past.
But following the protests on May 9, the army's high command appears to have had enough. It was referred to be a "black day in the history of Pakistan" by the present army chief.
Although Imran Khan may have introduced a fresh brand of populist politics to Pakistan, the army is adopting the same strategy it employed to overthrow his forerunners to remove him.
Numerous corruption cases, numerous arrests, and a loud message that Khan crossed the line by fighting the troops. As a response to the attacks on military installations on May 9 (the critics point out that no soldiers were martyred that day, only a posh mansion ransacked by an enraged crowd), the army has also attempted to win hearts and minds by releasing a song saluting army martyrs and celebrating a "respect for martyrs" day.
Posters honoring the army and promising enduring loyalty line the main streets of the major cities. Religious groups that have previously criticized the army have also been involved; last week, they were seen on the streets praising the army.
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The Pakistani army is also seeking supporters of Khan inside its own ranks.
One woman who was being sought by law authorities for her suspected involvement in the 9 May riots is Khadija Shah, a former fashion designer who is now a political activist. Shah is also the third generation of her family to be raised in a cantonment and the granddaughter of a former army general.
She denies any wrongdoing, but it is obvious that Khan has some of the "army brats" so enthralled that they are ready to burn their own home on fire. The army made it obvious to army families to stay away from Khan's politics by detaining Shah and locking her up.
By ordering widespread arrests and choosing to hold military tribunals for employees and leaders who participated in cantonment attacks, the army has also attempted to demolish Khan's PTI party.
There is intense pressure on several of Khan's senior party figures to defect from his PTI organization. Some have quit, stating that they are unable to support Khan's aggressive strategy toward the Pakistani army.
When dealing with civilians in the past, Pakistan's army has always been able to get its way. Imran Khan has urged his employees to pick death over enslavement. The average Pakistanis have suffered and still suffer as a result of this impasse.
